Journal UNISCI/Revista UNISCI nº 66 (October/ Octubre 2024) CENTRAL EUROPE AFTER RUSSIAN MILITARY AGGRESSION AND BALTIC SECURITY

Jaroslav Ušiak
Abstract: In this article, the author examines the dynamic evolution of the Visegrad Group (V4) countries in response to Russia's war on Ukraine. Although V4 cooperation is deeply rooted in shared historical experiences, recent geopolitical challenges have revealed significant differences among member countries. Poland and the Czech Republic are strongly supportive of Ukraine and oriented towards NATO, while Hungary and Slovakia are more ambivalent, creating internal tensions. The author examines the factors that shape national identities and their influence on these divergent responses, highlighting that these factors have implications for the future of the V4 countries. The researcher used mixed methods to analyse official documents, political speeches and opinion poll data from the V4 countries, to examine the impact of Russia's invasion of Ukraine on V4 unity and solidarity, and to consider the implications for the future of the V4 countries. The findings point to a fragile unity and growing concerns about the V4's ability to respond coherently to external threats.
Keywords: Visegrad Group, Russia, Ukraine, solidarity, national identity

Peter Rada, Laura Nyilas
Abstract It is now generally accepted that the global order is shifting, but the literature is divided on how. Consequently, it is not surprising that there is a lack of strong scholarship on the characteristics of the order from a Central and Eastern European (CEE) perspective. Therefore, this article aims to explore the future of the Liberal World Order (LWO) from this perspective through the lens of mainstream theories. The article looks at the geopolitical dynamics of the region and the evolving strategic perceptions of the LWO. It examines how CEE, traditionally seen as the frontier of the LWO (EU and NATO), is navigating the complexities of the current global political landscape in the light of the changing order. The second part of the article specifically analyses the security perceptions of CEE governments. The article seeks to contribute to the understanding of the future trajectory of the LWO, the potential implications for global peace and security, and the interplay of realism and liberalism in shaping our understanding of this trajectory from the CEE perspective.
Keywords: Liberal world order, International Relations theories, Central and Eastern Europe.

Lucia Husenicova
Abstract: The central question of this article is why Russian military aggression in Ukraine has failed to strengthen support for democracy and cooperation with partners in some Central European countries. In addition, the article examines the link between military conflict in the immediate neighbourhood and the crisis of democracy. Based on a review of the extensive literature on the crisis of democracy, the article integrates findings from several opinion polls conducted in Central European countries. Looking primarily at the Visegrad countries, clear patterns emerge in responses and attitudes towards Russia. We can see the influence of the political discourse in these countries, the narratives used by political elites and, more recently, war fatigue and economic consequences. The article argues that a military conflict in the vicinity of democratic countries exacerbates the crisis of democracy. The information warfare that is part of this conflict and the susceptibility of the political elite to the dissemination of enemy propaganda undermines trust in democratic institutions and democracy.
Keywords: Central Europe, Ukraine, Russia, military aggression

Ladislav Cabada
Abstract: Central European identity and regionality are very traditional and deeply rooted discourses. Over the past 35 years, a number of regional cooperation formats have emerged, among which the Visegrad Group has acquired a special position. This weakly institutionalised and thematically selective regional organisation has nevertheless established itself in the last 15 years as one of the visible actors of so-called populist regionalism. The (partial) transformation of the V4 towards populist foreign policy, national conservatism and Euroscepticism is the subject of our analysis. Using the concepts of populist regionalism and illiberal populism, it focuses on the formation of a monolithic discourse of the V4 as a group opposed to the international liberal order and the "Brussels agenda" in terms of values and public policies. We also examine the negative implications of this populist appropriation of the V4 for the region's position within the EU.
Keywords: Regional cooperation, Central Europe, populism, illiberalism, affective polarisation, polycrisis, War in Ukraine.

Ondřej Filipec , Petra Měšťánková
Abstract: : Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 represented a significant change in the geopolitical situation in Central and Eastern Europe, which was almost immediately reflected in the communication of political parties and their leaders. The main aim of this article is to analyse the communication of two populist parties: the Czech ANO movement of billionaire Andrej Babiš and the Slovak SMER-SD, mainly associated with its leader Robert Fico. Although both parties occupy important positions within the party systems of their respective countries and both are considered populist, they use different communication strategies and levels of pro-Russian orientation. The different communication strategies are analysed in the context of the electorate, inter-party relations, the coalition/opposition dichotomy and the personal influence of their leaders.
Keywords Populism, Slovakia, Czech Republic, Ukraine, War

Andrea Schmidt
Abstract: Hungarian foreign policy has been in the international spotlight, raising doubts about its direction. The purpose of this article is to highlight the contradictions between an interest-based and a value-based foreign policy. A theoretical introduction is followed by a brief analysis of the elements of a pragmatic foreign policy. At the same time, the second part of the paper presents a short case study from the Western Balkans. The Hungarian position on two countries, Kosovo and Serbia, will be analysed, not forgetting that these two countries are examples of the changes that have taken place in the relations between Hungary and Serbia. Despite earlier nationalist tensions, Serbia has become Hungary's almost sole ally in the region, putting the minority issue in the background and adopting a pragmatic approach. In this essay, we will also try to identify the considerations that guided Hungarian diplomacy in its position towards the West. Finally, we will discuss the extent to which the original goal of "occupying Brussels" was realistic and the consequences of Hungary's pragmatic foreign policy.
Keywords: Foreign policy, pragmatism, Western Balkan, conflicts, orientation

Sándor Gallai, Dániel Gyuriss
Abstract: This article compares Hungary's defence modernisation policy with that of the other Visegrad countries and finds that Poland has invested the most in developing its military capabilities and, together with the Czech Republic, has benefited considerably from rising international demand stimulated by the war. Both combined the purchase of modern equipment with the award of government contracts to local suppliers. Slovakia followed the same pattern, but without significant export capacity. Hungary, on the other hand, was unable to prevent the collapse of its former defence industry. As a result, its current development programme uniquely integrates the goals of army modernisation with the plan for rebuilding the sector, which relies heavily on the participation of large European companies, whose role is less important in the other countries. Two other distinctive features of the Hungarian modernisation policy are its embeddedness in broader economic and regional policies, and the creation of six distinct territorial clusters where the reorganisation of the sector is taking place.
Keywords: Defence policy, modernisation, army development, military capabilities, Visegrad countries

Łukasz Jureńczyk , Svitlana Soroka
Abstract: The Russian invasion of Ukraine has caused displacement on a scale not seen since the Second World War. More than 6.5 million refugees from Ukraine have been registered worldwide (as of 16 May 2024), and more than 4.2 million Ukrainians have received temporary protection in the EU. Most of them found shelter in Poland and Germany. These countries have received an influx of migrants that corresponds to the logic of their demographic development. Ukrainians are almost an ideal demographic resource for Central Europe. In August 2023, only one person in three wanted to return to Ukraine. If the Ukrainian refugees are properly adapted, they will provide additional development impulses to the countries where they reside.
Keywords: Russo-Ukrainian War, refugees, mass migration, labor market, Central Europe

Šárka Waisová
Abstract: Since the first decade of the 21st century, pro-China attitudes have gradually become the political mainstream in Central Europe. Today, however, the relationship between Central European countries and Beijing is different. While Beijing remains an important partner for Hungary, the Czech Republic and Poland have turned away from cooperation with China, and Slovakia's enthusiasm for China has cooled somewhat. This article examines why the Czech Republic and Poland, but not Slovakia and Hungary, have stopped building and maintaining their relations with China. It uses contrafactual analysis to find an answer. The article concludes that what caused the change and ruined the relations between Czechia and Poland on the one hand and China on the other hand was China's building of relations with Russia. In contrast, Hungary and Fico's Slovakia, which have repeatedly refused to recognise the Russian invasion of Ukraine and have maintained relations with Moscow, continue to have good relations with China.
Keywords: Central Europe, China, Czech Republic, Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, Russia.

Łukasz Lewkowicz
Abstract: The Three Seas Initiative (3SI) is a relatively new format of regional cooperation in Central Europe. The main objective of 3SI activities is the development of energy, transport and digital infrastructure in the region. Following the outbreak of the full-scale Russian-Ukrainian war in February 2014, the security dimension of 3SI activities has become more important. The last 3SI Summit was held in Vilnius in April 2024. The aim of this article is primarily to analyse the military dimension of the Three Seas Initiative's activities after the outbreak of war in Ukraine in 2022. The text presents the military potential of the 3SI countries and the diversified approach of the member states to the Russian-Ukrainian war. It also analyses the Lithuanian 3SI perspective, the decisions of the Vilnius Summit and the prospects for 3SI military cooperation. Due to the relatively new nature of the research topic, the analysis focuses primarily on recently published specialist texts.
Keywords: Three Seas Initiative, 3SI, Vilnius summit, securitization, military cooperation.